National Education Association

Sixteen Thirty Fund should not be treated as the established ultimate source or controlling apex of the Idaho network. It describes itself as a progressive fiscal sponsor: sponsored projects operate under its legal status and receive administrative support, while donors supply project funding. Independently incorporated grant recipients are not automatically sponsored projects. PERSONNEL. Amy Kurtz, identified as president by Sixteen Thirty and Columbia University, previously advised America Votes on national and state voter-contact plans. Columbia reports ten years in the National Education Association's campaigns/elections department, including oversight of independent electoral campaigns in 2012 and 2014, member electoral communications in 2016 and the NEA PAC staff role. Her earlier work included the League of Conservation Voters and Defenders of Wildlife Action Fund. These are documented employment links, not evidence that any former employer directed a particular Idaho grant. Eric Kessler's NDI biography identifies him as Arabella Advisors' founder, a former League of Conservation Voters national field director and a Clinton-era White House appointee on conservation issues. Sixteen Thirty's 2024 return lists him as a director and reports $6,627,257 paid to Arabella for administrative/operational support. Kessler subsequently announced in a LinkedIn post indexed as March 2025 that he had left Sixteen Thirty's board; the post also says he had previously left his Arabella executive role following an ownership change. This establishes a historical governance/vendor relationship, not a current Kessler board role or unilateral control of grants. UPSTREAM. Berger Action Fund's 2022 Form 990, covering April 1, 2022–March 31, 2023, identifies as principal officer and reports $35 million to Sixteen Thirty for conservation/social-welfare advocacy. Wyss Academy identifies McUsic as president and a former counselor to Interior Secretary Bruce Babbitt. Its biography describes the foundation's origins in American West conservation. Berger says it works with and prohibits grant recipients from using its funds for election-related activity. These sources establish an upstream organization/personnel route, not an Idaho earmark or electoral use of Berger money. IDAHO EVIDENCE. Sixteen Thirty's 2024 Schedule I reports $163,000 to and $110,740 to ; it also reports $27,850,000 to . ' March 2024 summit agenda includes ID in state-table office hours on pages 12 and 14, described as opportunities to discuss state plans for building political power. This establishes Idaho's inclusion in the agenda, but does not identify the Idaho table's operator, attendees, or prove is that table. Idaho Voices describes its own work as research, public education and advocacy on children's health, education and family economic security. WHY IDAHO — ANALYSIS. Kurtz's November 2025 essay describes sustained advocacy, progressive officeholders and durable organizations across election cycles as complementary goals. She cites state abortion-rights victories and rural/suburban engagement as examples. Together with the Idaho grants and summit agenda, this supports the inference that investment in Idaho can seek issue-policy wins and lasting organizing capacity without requiring immediate statewide Democratic control. The cited material does not reveal an Idaho-specific master plan or prove a donor ordered a local campaign. The next evidentiary target is decision-making: the named Idaho state-table leadership, grant proposals and reporting, and the Sixteen Thirty personnel responsible for evaluating Idaho work. Funding, employment, governance and operational direction should remain separate relationship types.